| 分区域名解析查询 – 站长必备运维小工具[Web] Posted: 03 Mar 2012 05:04 PM PST |
| Brothers in arms Posted: 03 Mar 2012 05:06 PM PST Brothers in arms | Chang Ping says the very real fear in Hong Kong about the erosion of its freedoms and values has been mistakenly cast as a debate on 'Hongkongers vs mainlanders'. In fact, many mainlanders are our allies in this fight | |
Feb 21, 2012 | | Soon after Wang Lijun's dramatic visit to the US consulate in Chengdu , a poster was circulated online with the tagline: "Security chief Wang, we've had enough", airing grouses such as: "I've sung off-key all my life, yet you forced me to sing red songs." Wang is, of course, the disgraced former vice-mayor of Chongqing , and the poster was just one in a series of mainland-produced posters that parodied the "Hongkongers have had enough" advertisement published in the Apple Daily. The "anti-locust" storm that erupted in Hong Kong over the Lunar New Year holiday has subsided a little, but has not gone away. It will continue to rumble in the run-up to the chief executive election next month, and the 15th anniversary of the handover in July.
Hong Kong media has covered the debate extensively; the poster's discriminatory tone was widely pointed out, with some even calling it fascist. In the mainland media, commentators have rightly noted that Hong Kong has benefited from its ties with the mainland, relying on it for food, water and electricity, and help to tide over economic crises. Mainland students in Hong Kong have also pleaded for tolerance and understanding; they said it was simplistic to see the cultural differences simply as mainland people's lack of suzhi, or quality (a term with multiple meanings that refers to anything from education and manners to essential nature). By contrast, the series of posters ripping off the Hong Kong advert – "Beijingers have had enough", "Shanghainese have had enough", "Chinese soccer fans have had enough", "Wuhan University has had enough", to name a few – has drawn far less comment. It's interesting to note that all except one – "Mainland Chinese have had enough" – were satirical and not meant to be taken seriously. What frame of mind inspired these posters? If, say, Japanese right-wing activists had produced a similar racially inflammatory ad, the Chinese online community would not have laughed it off. So, instead of causing anger and hurt, this strongly worded Hong Kong ad clearly resonated with mainland people. Not all of the posters can be explained by the xenophobia at play in the richer cities, in Hong Kong as in Beijing and Shanghai. But all are rooted in the frustration and helplessness felt when government policies fail, and people seek to blame outsiders for the harm they have suffered. Sure, one internet survey found that 70per cent of mainlanders supported Peking University's Kong Qingdong's rant calling Hongkongers dogs, but another survey with a different sample would easily have produced a totally different outcome. Some Hong Kong scholars have spread generalisations that mainland people are steeped in the values of an authoritarian system; this is unfair and misleading. Hongkongers are understandably upset when the arrival of pregnant mainland women causes a shortage of hospital beds, and when mainland tourists flout local rules. But to see the problem as a looting of resources by mainlanders or a mere cultural clash is to underestimate Hong Kong's true value. Mainland families who go to Hong Kong to give birth are mostly from the middle or middle-upper class. They are the winners in an unjust mainland system that looks after its privileged classes, and they are unlikely to be eyeing Hong Kong's welfare benefits. What they're after is an identity card that accords them some protection of democratic freedoms and the rule of law. People with the means to do so seek this protection in the US, Europe and Australia, including those who got rich through corruption. There are corrupt people everywhere, including in the US and Hong Kong. But not one of them would seek a mainland identity card, because even the corrupt want a sense of security. Mainland people understand better than Hongkongers what "enough is enough" means. A public opinion survey found that only a minority of Hongkongers preferred to identify themselves as Chinese citizens. Perhaps even more so, mainland people, too, would rather not identify themselves as Chinese; just ask those mainland families who go to Hong Kong to give birth. Mainland Chinese with no means to go to Hong Kong to give birth, or even visit as a tourist, actually would not mind being a "locust", because this would be a step up for them. Ironically, being called a potential locust gives them hope for the future. "Enough is enough" is a cry that resonates with mainland people. They can't buy advertising space in a newspaper to voice this feeling, so they create satirical posters and circulate them online. The Hong Kong government now looks likely to further curb the entry of pregnant mainland women and immigration. This is one consequence of the "anti-locust" movement. But Hongkongers risk misunderstanding the problem if they see it as an issue of "Hongkongers v mainlanders", as the ad suggests. Many of them in fact have intimated that the true threat to Hong Kong is the encroachment of the cultural values, business practices and lifestyle habits produced by a particular political system on the mainland. How it happens, though, is unlikely to be the long-term process that many Hongkongers imagine: mainland children born here and brainwashed by mainland education will one day return to Hong Kong, gradually changing the character of the city; or, the erosion of values will come through the influx of mainland immigrants. The authorities don't have the foresight or the patience for such a long campaign of "infiltration". This encroachment is already happening on a daily level – the influx of capital that effects changes in the cultural and media environment; the political campaigns that ensure pro-establishment parties gain more votes and influence; the ban on travel to Hong Kong of mainland people who hold dissenting opinions. This kind of insidious influence cannot be so easily turned away. Regrettably, these issues have not received the attention they deserve in the debate on the "anti-locust" campaign. In the protection of Hong Kong values, Hongkongers should see that many mainland people, including those who go to Hong Kong to give birth, are not their enemies but their allies. This is because all of us have had enough. | |
| Brothers in arms Posted: 03 Mar 2012 05:06 PM PST Brothers in arms | Chang Ping says the very real fear in Hong Kong about the erosion of its freedoms and values has been mistakenly cast as a debate on 'Hongkongers vs mainlanders'. In fact, many mainlanders are our allies in this fight | |
Feb 21, 2012 | | Soon after Wang Lijun's dramatic visit to the US consulate in Chengdu , a poster was circulated online with the tagline: "Security chief Wang, we've had enough", airing grouses such as: "I've sung off-key all my life, yet you forced me to sing red songs." Wang is, of course, the disgraced former vice-mayor of Chongqing , and the poster was just one in a series of mainland-produced posters that parodied the "Hongkongers have had enough" advertisement published in the Apple Daily. The "anti-locust" storm that erupted in Hong Kong over the Lunar New Year holiday has subsided a little, but has not gone away. It will continue to rumble in the run-up to the chief executive election next month, and the 15th anniversary of the handover in July.
Hong Kong media has covered the debate extensively; the poster's discriminatory tone was widely pointed out, with some even calling it fascist. In the mainland media, commentators have rightly noted that Hong Kong has benefited from its ties with the mainland, relying on it for food, water and electricity, and help to tide over economic crises. Mainland students in Hong Kong have also pleaded for tolerance and understanding; they said it was simplistic to see the cultural differences simply as mainland people's lack of suzhi, or quality (a term with multiple meanings that refers to anything from education and manners to essential nature). By contrast, the series of posters ripping off the Hong Kong advert – "Beijingers have had enough", "Shanghainese have had enough", "Chinese soccer fans have had enough", "Wuhan University has had enough", to name a few – has drawn far less comment. It's interesting to note that all except one – "Mainland Chinese have had enough" – were satirical and not meant to be taken seriously. What frame of mind inspired these posters? If, say, Japanese right-wing activists had produced a similar racially inflammatory ad, the Chinese online community would not have laughed it off. So, instead of causing anger and hurt, this strongly worded Hong Kong ad clearly resonated with mainland people. Not all of the posters can be explained by the xenophobia at play in the richer cities, in Hong Kong as in Beijing and Shanghai. But all are rooted in the frustration and helplessness felt when government policies fail, and people seek to blame outsiders for the harm they have suffered. Sure, one internet survey found that 70per cent of mainlanders supported Peking University's Kong Qingdong's rant calling Hongkongers dogs, but another survey with a different sample would easily have produced a totally different outcome. Some Hong Kong scholars have spread generalisations that mainland people are steeped in the values of an authoritarian system; this is unfair and misleading. Hongkongers are understandably upset when the arrival of pregnant mainland women causes a shortage of hospital beds, and when mainland tourists flout local rules. But to see the problem as a looting of resources by mainlanders or a mere cultural clash is to underestimate Hong Kong's true value. Mainland families who go to Hong Kong to give birth are mostly from the middle or middle-upper class. They are the winners in an unjust mainland system that looks after its privileged classes, and they are unlikely to be eyeing Hong Kong's welfare benefits. What they're after is an identity card that accords them some protection of democratic freedoms and the rule of law. People with the means to do so seek this protection in the US, Europe and Australia, including those who got rich through corruption. There are corrupt people everywhere, including in the US and Hong Kong. But not one of them would seek a mainland identity card, because even the corrupt want a sense of security. Mainland people understand better than Hongkongers what "enough is enough" means. A public opinion survey found that only a minority of Hongkongers preferred to identify themselves as Chinese citizens. Perhaps even more so, mainland people, too, would rather not identify themselves as Chinese; just ask those mainland families who go to Hong Kong to give birth. Mainland Chinese with no means to go to Hong Kong to give birth, or even visit as a tourist, actually would not mind being a "locust", because this would be a step up for them. Ironically, being called a potential locust gives them hope for the future. "Enough is enough" is a cry that resonates with mainland people. They can't buy advertising space in a newspaper to voice this feeling, so they create satirical posters and circulate them online. The Hong Kong government now looks likely to further curb the entry of pregnant mainland women and immigration. This is one consequence of the "anti-locust" movement. But Hongkongers risk misunderstanding the problem if they see it as an issue of "Hongkongers v mainlanders", as the ad suggests. Many of them in fact have intimated that the true threat to Hong Kong is the encroachment of the cultural values, business practices and lifestyle habits produced by a particular political system on the mainland. How it happens, though, is unlikely to be the long-term process that many Hongkongers imagine: mainland children born here and brainwashed by mainland education will one day return to Hong Kong, gradually changing the character of the city; or, the erosion of values will come through the influx of mainland immigrants. The authorities don't have the foresight or the patience for such a long campaign of "infiltration". This encroachment is already happening on a daily level – the influx of capital that effects changes in the cultural and media environment; the political campaigns that ensure pro-establishment parties gain more votes and influence; the ban on travel to Hong Kong of mainland people who hold dissenting opinions. This kind of insidious influence cannot be so easily turned away. Regrettably, these issues have not received the attention they deserve in the debate on the "anti-locust" campaign. In the protection of Hong Kong values, Hongkongers should see that many mainland people, including those who go to Hong Kong to give birth, are not their enemies but their allies. This is because all of us have had enough. | |
| 改革就是革命――后南巡时代的中国政改 Posted: 03 Mar 2012 05:03 PM PST 本文原发表于《阳光时务》第13期，现有部分字句改动。 改革就是革命 ――后南巡时代的中国政改 长平 辞旧迎新的改革希望 虽然现实未有多少改变，但是希望从来也没有远离，这个春天尤其令人浮想联翩。 首先是邓小平南巡20周年，人们像当年一样渴望沉闷中的一声惊雷。这声惊雷原本期待 在九年前"胡温新政"伊始响起，却被代之以"和谐社会"，改革的空间不长反消。然而，当人们在不久前听到总理温家宝谈到"今年是本届政府任期的最后一年"，"能做的事情绝不拖延，能解决的问题绝不推脱"时，再一次心潮澎湃地，准备原谅九年苦等，对胡温政权的尾声寄予厚望。 其次，继近两年频繁谈论政改之后，温家宝今春再次成为话题明星：首次正面回应阿拉伯之春，称"要尊重各国人民要求变革和维护自身利益的诉求"，"任何政府的责任都是为人民谋利益，除了这一点以外，它不应该有任何特权"。他还借南巡纪念之机，重提邓小平讲话："不改革开放只能死路一条"。而且，在乌坎村民通过顽强抗争实现民主选举之际，他要求保障农民的选举权利，强调"没有程序的民主，就没有实质的民主"。 再次，打黑唱红之都的英雄，重庆市副市长王立军戏剧性地从成都美国总领馆被押送到北京，让"重庆模式"的前途和中共十八大的人事暗战成为全世界的政治八卦。而《人民日报》刊发题为《宁要微词，不要危机》的文章，大谈"冒风险也要改革"，因为"改革有风险，但不改革党就会有危险"，被认为是这个八卦的严肃注脚，意味着高层已达成改革共识，十八大之后的新"新政"更值得期待。 至少人民还有期待的自由，任何希望和幻想都值得体谅和尊重。同时为了不让希望再次被"和谐"，不让生命被耗费又一个九年，我们也不妨趁此机会，讨论几个问题。 政治改革必须有死路一条 《人民日报》文章坦率地说，中国的改革改到如今，"容易的都改得差不多了，剩下的全是难啃的'硬骨头'。"它没有直接说透"硬骨头"所指何物，但我相信在大多数读者的理解中，都是指政治改革。 准确地说，并非经济体制改革"改得差不多了"，而是在金融，财税，地产，国企等等各个领域都问题成堆，甚至不进反退，危机四伏。然而，所有的经济问题都碰触到政治的暗礁。正如邓小平一再表述，温家宝一再重述的那样，没有政治体制改革，经济体制改革无法深入，而且成果难保。 由于共产主义意识形态作为执政思想在全球的破产，中共在改革开放以后把经济发展作为事实上的合法基础。经济体制改革的成果不保，也就意味着中共的统治危机。因此，邓小平和温家宝在谈及深化改革时，都是以一种大声疾呼的语气进行警告："国家需要改革开放，人民需要改革开放，谁不改革谁下台！对，不改革开放就下台！下台！"，"一个党，一个国家，一个民族，如果一切从本本出发，思想僵化，迷信盛行，那它就不能前进，它的生机就停止了，就要亡党亡国"，以及"邓小平表示，要坚持改革开放不动摇，不改革开放只能是死路一条。" 中国内地主张政治改革的媒体及民间舆论，也总是一再借"亡党亡国"相威胁。他们不知道的是，"久经考验"的中共高级官僚，再也不会有谁会被这些话吓倒。邓小平也仅仅以这些警告推动了经济改革，其他人想要靠它启动政治改革，让人想起经济学家于光远说过的一句话:"要共产党搞政治体制改革，等于与虎谋皮。" 就个人的政治利益而言，历史清楚地告诉人们，不消说极权专制的毛泽东时代，即便是在三十年改革开放时期，事实并非"谁不改革谁下台"，而是恰恰相反，谁改革谁下台――被认为在政改方面不思进取的江泽民、胡锦涛，甚至保守反动的李鹏等中共领导人，都能得以善终，而锐意改革的胡耀邦，赵紫阳，则成为悲剧性的政治人物。 这并非是历史的偶然。从一个想要永远把持统治权力，视任何挑战权威的民间努力为敌对势力的政治集团的利益来说，政治改革并不会带来任何好处，甚至就是死路一条――至少对于既有的依靠腐败专制的获利者来说，必须是死路一条。 把"长治久安"作为改革的前提，那就不可能是真正的政治改革。即便按照邓小平及其他中共领导的论述，政治改革也意味着更多的民主。民主就意味着挑战，意味着公平的竞争，意味着一切皆有可能。 一个腐败专制的政治利益集团，经过改造以后是否能够新生？当然有这个可能。苏联和东欧的共产党，台湾的国民党都是如此。然而，把拒绝统治权力的挑战作为新生的前提，在全世界都还没有先例。 胡耀邦之子胡德华在接受采访时指出，邓小平与胡耀邦改革动机的区别在于，前者是为了救党，后者是为了救民。救党者权杖在握，救民者黯然下台。要么胡德华的说法不成立，要么政党利益和人民利益并不像政治宣传中号称的那样始终一致，而且前者大大凌驾于后者之上。 当《人民日报》再次以"救党"的立意谈论深化改革的时候，我们有必要认真思考这一问题：政治改革到底是为了什么，救党还是救民？假如二者发生冲突，应该如何取舍？救党的改革在何种前提下才有可能？ 政治改革就是民主革命 改革与革命的新争论，自去年辛亥革命百年纪念开始，至今余波未了。 很多人都认为区分改革与革命至关重要，但是很少有人作出清晰的论证。甚至用暴力来区别，也遇到了这样的难题：戊戌变法磨刀霍霍，六四民运血染广场，反右和文革死伤无数，辛亥革命却并未爆发大规模流血冲突，更不用说和平的天鹅绒革命了。 这些争论者似乎都不知道，邓小平很早就断言：改革就是革命。 从1978年开始，邓小平一再宣称："实现四个现代化是一场深刻的伟大的革命"，"必然要多方面地改变生产关系，改变上层建筑"；"精简机构是一场革命"；"这几年进行的农村的改革，是一种带革命意义的改革"；"我们把改革当作一种革命"；"改革是中国的第二次革命"；"改革的性质同过去的革命一样，也是为了扫除发展社会生产力的障碍，使中国摆脱贫穷落后的状态。从这个意义上说，改革也可以叫革命性的变革。" 在1992年的南巡谈话中，邓小平同样强调说，革命是解放生产力，改革也是解放生产力，因此改革就是革命。 这并非因为邓小平作为职业革命家偏爱"革命"一词，而是他比当下很多人更明白改革的意思。真正的改革跟革命是一回事，就是要进行性质上的实质性改变。政治改革就是民主革命，民主革命就意味着权力竞争，专制不再。 正如戈尔巴乔夫所说："改革是一个含义很多、容量极大的字眼。但是，如果要从它的许多同义词中找出一个最能表达它的本质的关键词，那么可以说，改革就是革命。" 正因为如此，邓小平从来没有下定决心进行真正的政治改革。他的确多次强调政治改革的重要意义，他的"不改革就是死路一条"至今被认为也包含了政治改革。然而，当他把坚持"四项基本原则（第一，必须坚持社会主义道路；第二，必须坚持无产阶级专政；第三，必须坚持共产党的领导；第四，必须坚持马列主义、毛泽东思想）"作为改革的前提时，所谓政治体制改革就没有任何革命性质，甚至是一个文字游戏了。 赵紫阳在他的回忆录中说："邓对现行政治体制的运行，他是有不满意的地方，主张改革也是真实的。但他心目中的改革，并不是真正的政治上的现代化、民主 化。主要的是一种行政改革，属于具体的工作制度、组织制度、工作方法、工作作风方面的改革。邓主张的是在坚持共产党一党专政前提下的改革，改革正是为了进 一步地巩固共产党的一党专政。任何影响和削弱共产党一党专政的改革，都是邓坚决拒绝的。" 杨继绳在《中国改革年代的政治斗争》一书中说："邓小平阵线和陈云阵线有两点共识:一是坚持中国原有的政治制度和指导思想不能改变;二是必须改变毛泽东留下的经济现状,即经济体制改革。"并认为南巡谈话强化和固定了市场经济加权威政治的模式。邓小平在南巡讲话中强调:"在整个改革开放过程中,必须始终注意坚持四项基本原则。十二届六中全会我提出反对资产阶级自由化还要搞 20 年，现在看起来，还不只 20 年。" 当下中国经济发展，政治滞后，造成官员滥权，腐败丛生，法治倒退。这些现象的出现，并非像有些主张改革的人士所抱怨的那样，是因为中共领导人没有遵循邓小平理论思想。事实上，这正是他们严格执行邓小平路线的结果。 重庆模式和广东模式，并没有人们想像中那么大的差异，都是不同版本的邓小平模式，也就是让全世界受到困扰的中国模式。 没有共识才有变革 很多有志于推进改革的人士，虽然了解邓小平改革思想的矛盾之处，但是他们故意视而不见，而且把彻底的政治改革的愿望强加到邓小平的头上，希望借助这位已逝领袖的余威，说服民众，施压中央，从而达成全社会的改革共识。他们以为有了改革共识，一切都会迎刃而解。 这些借南巡纪念而寻求改革共识的人们忽略了基本的历史事实，那就是当年如果形成了改革共识，就不会有南巡这件事情了。此前，邓小平试图通过上海《解放日报》发表的署名"皇甫平"的系列文章制造舆论。据作者之一周瑞金回忆说，这些文章遭到来自北京长达一年左右的批判，由此可见分歧与斗争之严重。 由此上溯至上世纪七十年代，是否因为全社会形成了改革的共识，随后改革就发生了呢？当时的大多数民众，和权力中心根本信息不对称，没有任何可能去和斗得你死我活的当权者达成共识。安徽小岗村的村民，也不是因为要和别的什么人达成改革共识，才立下"生死状"，在土地承包责任书上按下红手印。 在一个政治资源被统治者彻底控制的社会，假如说统治者内部达成某种共识尚有可能的话，那么民间社会根本没有渠道也没有资格去寻求这样的共识。 尤其是一方要追求民主政治，一方要把专制作为前提时，共识只会是一个谎言。 当人们津津乐道于上世纪八十年代的"改革共识"时，他们俨然忘记了八九民运的存在。统治者不惜以坦克和枪炮来对准示威民众，足见"共识"之虚幻。 更重要的是，这样的共识本身没有必要。 人类历史上的变革，很少是因为共识而发生，更多恰好是冲突的结果。 今天广东的乌坎，就是当年安徽的小岗村。正如小岗村人争取到经济权利一样，乌坎人争取到了自己的政治权利。乌坎人也曾试图通过上访去和当局达成改革的共识，然而并未如愿。最后，他们和当年的小岗村人一样，冒着生命危险，捍卫自己的基本权利，终于获得成功，载入中国改革的史册。 尤其要警惕的是，在很大程度上，形成共识是统一思想的另外一种表述。统一思想只会限制自由，而不能促成改革，尤其不能促成包含思想自由的政治改革。 与其寻求全社会的改革共识，不如鼓励每一个人都了解自己的权利。 与其徒劳地把希望放在一代又一代的领导人身上，不如一点一点地积聚公民社会哪怕微薄的力量。 无论即将卸任的胡温政权如何满足你九年前的期望，也无论即将履职的新一代领导人如何大刀阔斧，你都不必沉浸于改革共识的虚幻图景，而是始终清醒地意识到你作为个体的存在，尽最大可能去做自己想做的事情。 多元存在乃是文明进步之本,冲突和压力才会带来改革，激烈冲突和强大压力才有可能促成一个享受专制盛宴的利益集团进行政治改革。 |
| 改革就是革命――后南巡时代的中国政改 Posted: 03 Mar 2012 05:03 PM PST 本文原发表于《阳光时务》第13期，现有部分字句改动。 改革就是革命 ――后南巡时代的中国政改 长平 辞旧迎新的改革希望 虽然现实未有多少改变，但是希望从来也没有远离，这个春天尤其令人浮想联翩。 首先是邓小平南巡20周年，人们像当年一样渴望沉闷中的一声惊雷。这声惊雷原本期待 在九年前"胡温新政"伊始响起，却被代之以"和谐社会"，改革的空间不长反消。然而，当人们在不久前听到总理温家宝谈到"今年是本届政府任期的最后一年"，"能做的事情绝不拖延，能解决的问题绝不推脱"时，再一次心潮澎湃地，准备原谅九年苦等，对胡温政权的尾声寄予厚望。 其次，继近两年频繁谈论政改之后，温家宝今春再次成为话题明星：首次正面回应阿拉伯之春，称"要尊重各国人民要求变革和维护自身利益的诉求"，"任何政府的责任都是为人民谋利益，除了这一点以外，它不应该有任何特权"。他还借南巡纪念之机，重提邓小平讲话："不改革开放只能死路一条"。而且，在乌坎村民通过顽强抗争实现民主选举之际，他要求保障农民的选举权利，强调"没有程序的民主，就没有实质的民主"。 再次，打黑唱红之都的英雄，重庆市副市长王立军戏剧性地从成都美国总领馆被押送到北京，让"重庆模式"的前途和中共十八大的人事暗战成为全世界的政治八卦。而《人民日报》刊发题为《宁要微词，不要危机》的文章，大谈"冒风险也要改革"，因为"改革有风险，但不改革党就会有危险"，被认为是这个八卦的严肃注脚，意味着高层已达成改革共识，十八大之后的新"新政"更值得期待。 至少人民还有期待的自由，任何希望和幻想都值得体谅和尊重。同时为了不让希望再次被"和谐"，不让生命被耗费又一个九年，我们也不妨趁此机会，讨论几个问题。 政治改革必须有死路一条 《人民日报》文章坦率地说，中国的改革改到如今，"容易的都改得差不多了，剩下的全是难啃的'硬骨头'。"它没有直接说透"硬骨头"所指何物，但我相信在大多数读者的理解中，都是指政治改革。 准确地说，并非经济体制改革"改得差不多了"，而是在金融，财税，地产，国企等等各个领域都问题成堆，甚至不进反退，危机四伏。然而，所有的经济问题都碰触到政治的暗礁。正如邓小平一再表述，温家宝一再重述的那样，没有政治体制改革，经济体制改革无法深入，而且成果难保。 由于共产主义意识形态作为执政思想在全球的破产，中共在改革开放以后把经济发展作为事实上的合法基础。经济体制改革的成果不保，也就意味着中共的统治危机。因此，邓小平和温家宝在谈及深化改革时，都是以一种大声疾呼的语气进行警告："国家需要改革开放，人民需要改革开放，谁不改革谁下台！对，不改革开放就下台！下台！"，"一个党，一个国家，一个民族，如果一切从本本出发，思想僵化，迷信盛行，那它就不能前进，它的生机就停止了，就要亡党亡国"，以及"邓小平表示，要坚持改革开放不动摇，不改革开放只能是死路一条。" 中国内地主张政治改革的媒体及民间舆论，也总是一再借"亡党亡国"相威胁。他们不知道的是，"久经考验"的中共高级官僚，再也不会有谁会被这些话吓倒。邓小平也仅仅以这些警告推动了经济改革，其他人想要靠它启动政治改革，让人想起经济学家于光远说过的一句话:"要共产党搞政治体制改革，等于与虎谋皮。" 就个人的政治利益而言，历史清楚地告诉人们，不消说极权专制的毛泽东时代，即便是在三十年改革开放时期，事实并非"谁不改革谁下台"，而是恰恰相反，谁改革谁下台――被认为在政改方面不思进取的江泽民、胡锦涛，甚至保守反动的李鹏等中共领导人，都能得以善终，而锐意改革的胡耀邦，赵紫阳，则成为悲剧性的政治人物。 这并非是历史的偶然。从一个想要永远把持统治权力，视任何挑战权威的民间努力为敌对势力的政治集团的利益来说，政治改革并不会带来任何好处，甚至就是死路一条――至少对于既有的依靠腐败专制的获利者来说，必须是死路一条。 把"长治久安"作为改革的前提，那就不可能是真正的政治改革。即便按照邓小平及其他中共领导的论述，政治改革也意味着更多的民主。民主就意味着挑战，意味着公平的竞争，意味着一切皆有可能。 一个腐败专制的政治利益集团，经过改造以后是否能够新生？当然有这个可能。苏联和东欧的共产党，台湾的国民党都是如此。然而，把拒绝统治权力的挑战作为新生的前提，在全世界都还没有先例。 胡耀邦之子胡德华在接受采访时指出，邓小平与胡耀邦改革动机的区别在于，前者是为了救党，后者是为了救民。救党者权杖在握，救民者黯然下台。要么胡德华的说法不成立，要么政党利益和人民利益并不像政治宣传中号称的那样始终一致，而且前者大大凌驾于后者之上。 当《人民日报》再次以"救党"的立意谈论深化改革的时候，我们有必要认真思考这一问题：政治改革到底是为了什么，救党还是救民？假如二者发生冲突，应该如何取舍？救党的改革在何种前提下才有可能？ 政治改革就是民主革命 改革与革命的新争论，自去年辛亥革命百年纪念开始，至今余波未了。 很多人都认为区分改革与革命至关重要，但是很少有人作出清晰的论证。甚至用暴力来区别，也遇到了这样的难题：戊戌变法磨刀霍霍，六四民运血染广场，反右和文革死伤无数，辛亥革命却并未爆发大规模流血冲突，更不用说和平的天鹅绒革命了。 这些争论者似乎都不知道，邓小平很早就断言：改革就是革命。 从1978年开始，邓小平一再宣称："实现四个现代化是一场深刻的伟大的革命"，"必然要多方面地改变生产关系，改变上层建筑"；"精简机构是一场革命"；"这几年进行的农村的改革，是一种带革命意义的改革"；"我们把改革当作一种革命"；"改革是中国的第二次革命"；"改革的性质同过去的革命一样，也是为了扫除发展社会生产力的障碍，使中国摆脱贫穷落后的状态。从这个意义上说，改革也可以叫革命性的变革。" 在1992年的南巡谈话中，邓小平同样强调说，革命是解放生产力，改革也是解放生产力，因此改革就是革命。 这并非因为邓小平作为职业革命家偏爱"革命"一词，而是他比当下很多人更明白改革的意思。真正的改革跟革命是一回事，就是要进行性质上的实质性改变。政治改革就是民主革命，民主革命就意味着权力竞争，专制不再。 正如戈尔巴乔夫所说："改革是一个含义很多、容量极大的字眼。但是，如果要从它的许多同义词中找出一个最能表达它的本质的关键词，那么可以说，改革就是革命。" 正因为如此，邓小平从来没有下定决心进行真正的政治改革。他的确多次强调政治改革的重要意义，他的"不改革就是死路一条"至今被认为也包含了政治改革。然而，当他把坚持"四项基本原则（第一，必须坚持社会主义道路；第二，必须坚持无产阶级专政；第三，必须坚持共产党的领导；第四，必须坚持马列主义、毛泽东思想）"作为改革的前提时，所谓政治体制改革就没有任何革命性质，甚至是一个文字游戏了。 赵紫阳在他的回忆录中说："邓对现行政治体制的运行，他是有不满意的地方，主张改革也是真实的。但他心目中的改革，并不是真正的政治上的现代化、民主 化。主要的是一种行政改革，属于具体的工作制度、组织制度、工作方法、工作作风方面的改革。邓主张的是在坚持共产党一党专政前提下的改革，改革正是为了进 一步地巩固共产党的一党专政。任何影响和削弱共产党一党专政的改革，都是邓坚决拒绝的。" 杨继绳在《中国改革年代的政治斗争》一书中说："邓小平阵线和陈云阵线有两点共识:一是坚持中国原有的政治制度和指导思想不能改变;二是必须改变毛泽东留下的经济现状,即经济体制改革。"并认为南巡谈话强化和固定了市场经济加权威政治的模式。邓小平在南巡讲话中强调:"在整个改革开放过程中,必须始终注意坚持四项基本原则。十二届六中全会我提出反对资产阶级自由化还要搞 20 年，现在看起来，还不只 20 年。" 当下中国经济发展，政治滞后，造成官员滥权，腐败丛生，法治倒退。这些现象的出现，并非像有些主张改革的人士所抱怨的那样，是因为中共领导人没有遵循邓小平理论思想。事实上，这正是他们严格执行邓小平路线的结果。 重庆模式和广东模式，并没有人们想像中那么大的差异，都是不同版本的邓小平模式，也就是让全世界受到困扰的中国模式。 没有共识才有变革 很多有志于推进改革的人士，虽然了解邓小平改革思想的矛盾之处，但是他们故意视而不见，而且把彻底的政治改革的愿望强加到邓小平的头上，希望借助这位已逝领袖的余威，说服民众，施压中央，从而达成全社会的改革共识。他们以为有了改革共识，一切都会迎刃而解。 这些借南巡纪念而寻求改革共识的人们忽略了基本的历史事实，那就是当年如果形成了改革共识，就不会有南巡这件事情了。此前，邓小平试图通过上海《解放日报》发表的署名"皇甫平"的系列文章制造舆论。据作者之一周瑞金回忆说，这些文章遭到来自北京长达一年左右的批判，由此可见分歧与斗争之严重。 由此上溯至上世纪七十年代，是否因为全社会形成了改革的共识，随后改革就发生了呢？当时的大多数民众，和权力中心根本信息不对称，没有任何可能去和斗得你死我活的当权者达成共识。安徽小岗村的村民，也不是因为要和别的什么人达成改革共识，才立下"生死状"，在土地承包责任书上按下红手印。 在一个政治资源被统治者彻底控制的社会，假如说统治者内部达成某种共识尚有可能的话，那么民间社会根本没有渠道也没有资格去寻求这样的共识。 尤其是一方要追求民主政治，一方要把专制作为前提时，共识只会是一个谎言。 当人们津津乐道于上世纪八十年代的"改革共识"时，他们俨然忘记了八九民运的存在。统治者不惜以坦克和枪炮来对准示威民众，足见"共识"之虚幻。 更重要的是，这样的共识本身没有必要。 人类历史上的变革，很少是因为共识而发生，更多恰好是冲突的结果。 今天广东的乌坎，就是当年安徽的小岗村。正如小岗村人争取到经济权利一样，乌坎人争取到了自己的政治权利。乌坎人也曾试图通过上访去和当局达成改革的共识，然而并未如愿。最后，他们和当年的小岗村人一样，冒着生命危险，捍卫自己的基本权利，终于获得成功，载入中国改革的史册。 尤其要警惕的是，在很大程度上，形成共识是统一思想的另外一种表述。统一思想只会限制自由，而不能促成改革，尤其不能促成包含思想自由的政治改革。 与其寻求全社会的改革共识，不如鼓励每一个人都了解自己的权利。 与其徒劳地把希望放在一代又一代的领导人身上，不如一点一点地积聚公民社会哪怕微薄的力量。 无论即将卸任的胡温政权如何满足你九年前的期望，也无论即将履职的新一代领导人如何大刀阔斧，你都不必沉浸于改革共识的虚幻图景，而是始终清醒地意识到你作为个体的存在，尽最大可能去做自己想做的事情。 多元存在乃是文明进步之本,冲突和压力才会带来改革，激烈冲突和强大压力才有可能促成一个享受专制盛宴的利益集团进行政治改革。 |
| Taxing Carried Interest Posted: 03 Mar 2012 03:37 PM PST Click here to read my column in Sunday's NY Times. The piece is an attempt to explain the taxation of carried interest and is more pedagogical than opinionated. For the truly wonky who want to learn more about this topic, I recommend this article by Alan Viard. |
| [C-POL] Chang Ping on return to reforms (SCMP) Posted: 03 Mar 2012 03:23 PM PST Source: http://www.scmp.com/portal/site/SCMP/menuitem.2af62ecb329d3d7733492d9253a0a0a0/?vgnextoid=1da68cdb703d5310VgnVCM100000360a0a0aRCRD&ss=China&s=News (ok) | |
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Wrong route | Chang Ping says the growing ranks of people in China calling for a return to Deng Xiaoping's road map for political reform fail to see that China never left it; they misunderstand Deng's intention |
Updated on Mar 03, 2012 | To mark the 20th anniversary of Deng Xiaoping's southern tour, both Xinhua and the People's Daily published commentaries to push for reforms. Xinhua said if China wants to keep writing its "Story of Spring", it must deepen its reform efforts, including changing the government's roles and functions. And the People's Daily rallied the country to press on: "Reforms carry risks, but the party would be in danger without reform." Premier Wen Jiabao himself affirmed Deng's call for reform, warning on a visit to Guangdong last month that the country would "come to a dead end without reform and opening up". He said Deng's words were still of great relevance today and should continue to guide China. Neither the articles nor Wen made mention specifically of political reform, but many people understood their remarks to mean that. China's economic development is increasingly mired in the quicksand of Chinese politics, and its many social problems cannot be solved without political development. The rallying cry for reform from the top ranks of China's political hierarchy have made people hopeful and excited. Deng had so often spoken up for political reform that people believe Chinese politics would be very different today if he were still alive. So, they reason, China's most urgent task is to return to Deng's road map for reform. This is bizarre thinking, because China has never veered off course. For a start, Deng hand-picked the two men who succeeded him. But, more importantly, the problems we see now in China – the unbalanced and distorted development, rampant corruption, a wide income gap and deterioration of human rights protection – are all by-products of Deng's reform. The Chinese model of economic development first caught international attention in 2004, when American scholar Joshua Cooper Ramo published a paper on "The Beijing Consensus". Since then, many Chinese scholars have praised the model as being eminently suitable for China; some even say today it could save a global economy in crisis. Before long, some historians of the Communist Party pointed out that the credit for such a good development model belonged not to Ramo but to Deng, who in fact proposed the idea a long time ago and had put it into practice. Starting from the early 1980s, Deng had indeed spoken often of China's need to forge its own pathway for development. His description of the strategy is by now well-known: Chinese development must have one central task (economic development) and two basic points (adherence to reform and opening up, and adherence to the four cardinal principles). Deng's four principles called on the Chinese people to uphold the socialist path; the people's democratic dictatorship; the leadership of the Communist Party; and Marxist-Leninist and Maoist thought. In championing his policy of reform and opening up, Deng repeatedly stressed the importance of adhering to these four principles. During the southern tour of two decades ago, he said care must be taken during the course of reform that the four principles were upheld. He said then that efforts to oppose the "liberalisation of capitalism" would take longer than expected. "At the sixth plenary session of the 12th Central Committee, I objected to the estimation that such a process should take 20 years. I think now it would take more than 20 years," he said. What exactly is the "liberalisation of capitalism"? Deng defined it as "the worship of Western capitalist societies' notions of democracy and freedom, and the rejection of socialism". He was right; 20 years on, China continues to oppose democratic freedoms. Deng's ideal model is a marriage of economic liberalisation and political authoritarianism. Author and former Xinhua journalist Yang Jisheng said Deng's landmark speeches in the south cemented the Chinese development model, which more precisely should be called the Deng Xiaoping model. What kind of political reform did Deng have in mind then? Zhao Ziyang wrote in his memoir that it had little to do with reform in the sense of modernisation and democratisation. Rather, Zhao said, Deng was mainly concerned with administrative reforms, with changing the workflow, organisational structure and work methodology. Zhao said Deng's idea of political reform rested on the premise of single-party rule by the party, and reform was meant only to strengthen it. In his conversations, Deng spoke often of social stability and "the party's career", but rarely of dignity and rights. The leaders after Deng have strictly followed Deng's path. And the result is rampant abuse of power by officials, widespread corruption and receding rule of law. What a joke then that today so many are calling for a return to Deng's way to solve these problems. For two years now, Wen has cited Deng's words to urge reforms. But he has never outlined the specifics of his plan. The reason is, if he were to follow Deng's line of thought, we'd see there is no real political reform to speak of. If Wen were to unveil a reform plan based on democratic values it would violate Deng's cardinal principles and, hence, his development model. But even the government is now aware that China's development has brought many problems, as the commentaries in Xinhua and the People's Daily made clear. The time of prosperity and plenty that some scholars say China is now enjoying does not accord with reality. For true political reform, we should reflect on the shortcomings of Deng's development model. Following his road map for reform won't take us there. Chang Ping is a current affairs commentator writing on politics, society and culture. This commentary is translated from Chinese | | | | | Copyright © 2012 South China Morning Post Publishers Ltd. All right reserved | | |
| [C-POL] Chang Ping on return to reforms (SCMP) Posted: 03 Mar 2012 03:23 PM PST Source: http://www.scmp.com/portal/site/SCMP/menuitem.2af62ecb329d3d7733492d9253a0a0a0/?vgnextoid=1da68cdb703d5310VgnVCM100000360a0a0aRCRD&ss=China&s=News (ok) | |
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Wrong route | Chang Ping says the growing ranks of people in China calling for a return to Deng Xiaoping's road map for political reform fail to see that China never left it; they misunderstand Deng's intention |
Updated on Mar 03, 2012 | To mark the 20th anniversary of Deng Xiaoping's southern tour, both Xinhua and the People's Daily published commentaries to push for reforms. Xinhua said if China wants to keep writing its "Story of Spring", it must deepen its reform efforts, including changing the government's roles and functions. And the People's Daily rallied the country to press on: "Reforms carry risks, but the party would be in danger without reform." Premier Wen Jiabao himself affirmed Deng's call for reform, warning on a visit to Guangdong last month that the country would "come to a dead end without reform and opening up". He said Deng's words were still of great relevance today and should continue to guide China. Neither the articles nor Wen made mention specifically of political reform, but many people understood their remarks to mean that. China's economic development is increasingly mired in the quicksand of Chinese politics, and its many social problems cannot be solved without political development. The rallying cry for reform from the top ranks of China's political hierarchy have made people hopeful and excited. Deng had so often spoken up for political reform that people believe Chinese politics would be very different today if he were still alive. So, they reason, China's most urgent task is to return to Deng's road map for reform. This is bizarre thinking, because China has never veered off course. For a start, Deng hand-picked the two men who succeeded him. But, more importantly, the problems we see now in China – the unbalanced and distorted development, rampant corruption, a wide income gap and deterioration of human rights protection – are all by-products of Deng's reform. The Chinese model of economic development first caught international attention in 2004, when American scholar Joshua Cooper Ramo published a paper on "The Beijing Consensus". Since then, many Chinese scholars have praised the model as being eminently suitable for China; some even say today it could save a global economy in crisis. Before long, some historians of the Communist Party pointed out that the credit for such a good development model belonged not to Ramo but to Deng, who in fact proposed the idea a long time ago and had put it into practice. Starting from the early 1980s, Deng had indeed spoken often of China's need to forge its own pathway for development. His description of the strategy is by now well-known: Chinese development must have one central task (economic development) and two basic points (adherence to reform and opening up, and adherence to the four cardinal principles). Deng's four principles called on the Chinese people to uphold the socialist path; the people's democratic dictatorship; the leadership of the Communist Party; and Marxist-Leninist and Maoist thought. In championing his policy of reform and opening up, Deng repeatedly stressed the importance of adhering to these four principles. During the southern tour of two decades ago, he said care must be taken during the course of reform that the four principles were upheld. He said then that efforts to oppose the "liberalisation of capitalism" would take longer than expected. "At the sixth plenary session of the 12th Central Committee, I objected to the estimation that such a process should take 20 years. I think now it would take more than 20 years," he said. What exactly is the "liberalisation of capitalism"? Deng defined it as "the worship of Western capitalist societies' notions of democracy and freedom, and the rejection of socialism". He was right; 20 years on, China continues to oppose democratic freedoms. Deng's ideal model is a marriage of economic liberalisation and political authoritarianism. Author and former Xinhua journalist Yang Jisheng said Deng's landmark speeches in the south cemented the Chinese development model, which more precisely should be called the Deng Xiaoping model. What kind of political reform did Deng have in mind then? Zhao Ziyang wrote in his memoir that it had little to do with reform in the sense of modernisation and democratisation. Rather, Zhao said, Deng was mainly concerned with administrative reforms, with changing the workflow, organisational structure and work methodology. Zhao said Deng's idea of political reform rested on the premise of single-party rule by the party, and reform was meant only to strengthen it. In his conversations, Deng spoke often of social stability and "the party's career", but rarely of dignity and rights. The leaders after Deng have strictly followed Deng's path. And the result is rampant abuse of power by officials, widespread corruption and receding rule of law. What a joke then that today so many are calling for a return to Deng's way to solve these problems. For two years now, Wen has cited Deng's words to urge reforms. But he has never outlined the specifics of his plan. The reason is, if he were to follow Deng's line of thought, we'd see there is no real political reform to speak of. If Wen were to unveil a reform plan based on democratic values it would violate Deng's cardinal principles and, hence, his development model. But even the government is now aware that China's development has brought many problems, as the commentaries in Xinhua and the People's Daily made clear. The time of prosperity and plenty that some scholars say China is now enjoying does not accord with reality. For true political reform, we should reflect on the shortcomings of Deng's development model. Following his road map for reform won't take us there. Chang Ping is a current affairs commentator writing on politics, society and culture. This commentary is translated from Chinese | | | | | Copyright © 2012 South China Morning Post Publishers Ltd. All right reserved | | |
| 2012年03月03日 糗事 TOP 10 Posted: 02 Mar 2012 08:00 AM PST 糗事百科官方手机应用发布喽~
用App随时随地看糗事，更爽，更省流量，更多互动！ 糗百官方iPhone应用，记得给五星支持下哦
糗百官方安卓应用测试版 小时候吃过的请举手！！！
 顶2342:: 拍-326:: 169条评论
说个真人真事。读大学时，寝室有一2B女同学，读大三时好不容易交了个男朋友，于是经常表现各种缠绵。一晚上，大家都准备睡了，那货忽然打电话给她男朋友，接下来长达半个小时的夸张亲密话语让人无限反胃。接着GC来了，那货的手机华丽丽的响起来了。。。。
顶1722:: 拍-344:: 93条评论
上初中'自习课时'同桌（同桌男'本人女）对我说：＂我好像发烧了，你摸摸＂那时我暗恋他'当时心理可兴奋了，可正巧有个同学看我们'也不知道当时怎么想的'拿了张纸隔了下，摸了摸额头。说不热啊！同桌说了句：＂你咋不隔个砖头啊？＂、、、、、、
顶1153:: 拍-64:: 57条评论
我是个爱打游戏的妹子，长的不好看，游戏里加了个公会，多数是同城的，就我一个妹子
……老子割了你们……
大家都是苦逼单身，情人节那天求聚会，我本来不想去，觉得就我一个女的很尴尬，然后他们车轮战磨我，我就去了。
然后就木有然后了。。。一半人换游戏了，剩下的天天嘲笑我，昨天有个人说本来挺喜欢我这样的，可是见过我了，这就是致命伤。尼玛！虽然我不是很介意这个，也没想过要在网上找男朋友，可你当众这么说太伤我自尊了有木有！
顶1226:: 拍-149:: 162条评论
以前喝豆浆每次吸管都折掉了，今天哥深吸一口气，运足了内力，谁料到～
 顶1086:: 拍-53:: 78条评论
一次跟女友逛街————GEG——————她突然问我两个小狮子跳钢管舞的是什么车？我纳闷 有这样的车标么？只见她指着一辆停在路边的车 我定眼一看 靠 是荣威 瞬间对女友的幽默细胞佩服得五体投地！有图有真相
 跳钢管舞的小狮子 车标 顶1103:: 拍-97:: 59条评论
早晨起来等公交车，等啊等啊，要看就要迟到了…气的LZ来个转身踢想踹那站牌，谁曾想一脚踢在了一个正在看站牌的MM的P股上………瞬间石化了…汗如雨下…关键旁边还站着她高大威猛的男朋友……
顶1061:: 拍-85:: 105条评论
我想说，有多少人点"顶"那个按钮的时候，不是因为糗事多好笑，而是因为自己再点一下，顶的人数就由两位数变成三位数了，瞬间觉得自己伟大了好多
顶1401:: 拍-463:: 31条评论
背景 自从去年生了孩子生活就比较不自由，一些原因我们自己带孩子
。。。。。割。。。。。
今年情人节，跟着我家一大一小情人过节，吃了饭，逛了商场，买了礼物准备去超市添些口粮就打道回府。
刚近超市孩子就困到睡着了，然后我就邪恶的把他放购物车。
接受很多眼神的关注，忽一位仁兄忍不住问，这娃拿买的？回:情人节活动，买薯片送的。
 顶982:: 拍-102:: 95条评论
如果死后，在奈何桥看到孟婆，给你喝孟婆汤，你说什么？ 某a:不要让我忘掉亲人，好吗？ 某b:不要香菜和葱花，谢谢！
漂流瓶上看到的 顶832:: 拍-58:: 73条评论
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| 『Time』一周摄影图片精选：Feb 26 - March 3, 2012 Posted: 03 Mar 2012 12:33 PM PST  链接： 《Times》新闻摄影图片精选 新闻摄影@Leica.org.cnMonday, February 27, 2012 一名印度女孩点起蜡烛为她在印度西部发生宗教暴力地区的亲戚祈祷。摄影师：Ajit SolankiA young Indian girl places a candle as her relatives pray at their residence in Ahmedabad. 
Tuesday, February 28, 2012 一名反对派支持者在参加未经授权的抗议活动后手被警察逮捕，手持鲜花坐在警车里，莫斯科。摄影师：Kirill KudryavtsevAn opposition activist holds flowers as she sits in a police bus after an unauthorized protest. 
Wednesday, February 29, 2012 拯救海龟活动上，一人手捧海龟幼崽，准备将其放生，印度尼西亚。摄影师：Heri JuandaA man holds a baby turtle before releasing it into the sea in a campaign to save sea turtles on Lampuuk beach. 
Sunday, February 26, 2012 Fallas节日上被爆竹烟花掩盖的钟楼，西班牙巴伦西亚。摄影师：Manuel BruqueValencia, Spain — View of a huge powder smoke cloud and the trail of fireworks in front of the Town Hall at the start of the Fallas Festival 2012. 
Sunday, February 26, 2012 女演员 Michelle Williams 抵达第84届奥斯卡颁奖典礼现场，洛杉矶好莱坞。Michelle Williams 因主演《与梦露的一周》而获得今年最佳女演员奖提名。摄影师：Chris Carlson
Saturday, March 3, 2012 清晨人们从日内瓦联合国大厦中走过。摄影师：Fabrice CoffriniPeople walk at sunrise at the United Nations building in Geneva. 
『 Leica中文摄影杂志』推荐 使用Email的方式订阅，亦可通过 Google Reader、 QQ阅读、 鲜果等RSS工具阅读；在Apple Mac OS X下可获得最佳阅读体验  『 iPhoto.ly』在苹果上阅读： iPhone版+ iPad版，^_^ Tips： 关注我们： Twitter、饭否、微博『小建议』如果你在Email里看到这篇文章，可以转发给你的朋友；如果你在Google Reader阅读器里看到这篇文章，可以共享给好友；如果你在豆瓣里看到这篇文章，不妨推荐给更多人；或者干脆Copy下这篇文章的链接，发给你MSN上最喜欢的人；我们永远相信，分享是一种美德，Great People Share Knowledge...Tags - 新闻摄影 , time , 一周精选  |
| 『Time』一周摄影图片精选：Feb 26 - March 3, 2012 Posted: 03 Mar 2012 12:33 PM PST 链接： 《Times》新闻摄影图片精选 新闻摄影@Leica.org.cnMonday, February 27, 2012 一名印度女孩点起蜡烛为她在印度西部发生宗教暴力地区的亲戚祈祷。摄影师：Ajit SolankiA young Indian girl places a candle as her relatives pray at their residence in Ahmedabad.
Tuesday, February 28, 2012 一名反对派支持者在参加未经授权的抗议活动后手被警察逮捕，手持鲜花坐在警车里，莫斯科。摄影师：Kirill KudryavtsevAn opposition activist holds flowers as she sits in a police bus after an unauthorized protest.
Wednesday, February 29, 2012 拯救海龟活动上，一人手捧海龟幼崽，准备将其放生，印度尼西亚。摄影师：Heri JuandaA man holds a baby turtle before releasing it into the sea in a campaign to save sea turtles on Lampuuk beach.
Sunday, February 26, 2012 Fallas节日上被爆竹烟花掩盖的钟楼，西班牙巴伦西亚。摄影师：Manuel BruqueValencia, Spain — View of a huge powder smoke cloud and the trail of fireworks in front of the Town Hall at the start of the Fallas Festival 2012.
Sunday, February 26, 2012 女演员 Michelle Williams 抵达第84届奥斯卡颁奖典礼现场，洛杉矶好莱坞。Michelle Williams 因主演《与梦露的一周》而获得今年最佳女演员奖提名。摄影师：Chris Carlson
Saturday, March 3, 2012 清晨人们从日内瓦联合国大厦中走过。摄影师：Fabrice CoffriniPeople walk at sunrise at the United Nations building in Geneva.
『 Leica中文摄影杂志』推荐 使用Email的方式订阅，亦可通过 Google Reader、 QQ阅读、 鲜果等RSS工具阅读；在Apple Mac OS X下可获得最佳阅读体验 『 iPhoto.ly』在苹果上阅读： iPhone版+ iPad版，^_^ Tips： 关注我们： Twitter、饭否、微博『小建议』如果你在Email里看到这篇文章，可以转发给你的朋友；如果你在Google Reader阅读器里看到这篇文章，可以共享给好友；如果你在豆瓣里看到这篇文章，不妨推荐给更多人；或者干脆Copy下这篇文章的链接，发给你MSN上最喜欢的人；我们永远相信，分享是一种美德，Great People Share Knowledge...Tags - 新闻摄影 , time , 一周精选  |
| 在香港做人，還是仆街到底比較好 Posted: 03 Mar 2012 06:26 AM PST 原文連結 在香港，如果你不是李嘉誠的兒子，那就不如做最仆街的那一群。在香港，你的境況要慘涼到幾乎無以為生，才會得到社會的救助。房屋、藥物、養老金，無不是設有極為苛刻的條件：月入要少至七八千元，才有資格輪候公屋；你不是患了絕症，醫生也不能給你好一點的藥，否則藥費方面就要閣下自付營虧。 行政官僚是按本子辦事的，政策這樣就是這樣。所以你要不就是李嘉誠的兒子，不需要社會的救濟。要不你就最好是父母雙亡、仆街到下流社會的最下層。否則政府就覺得你不夠慘，大條道理不花分毫，你死你賤，winner takes all。 
你不夠窮，不需要津貼 一個顯著的例子：老人津貼。我親愛的好朋友安琪兒在美國芝加哥讀書和生活，她在香港的親人只有一個獨居的嫲嫲。最近社署經過入息審查後，突然停止了發放嫲嫲的老人津貼，甚至取消了她的醫療卡。患有老人痴呆症的她現在甚至無法負擔藥物費用。 社署給出的原因有兩個。第一，嫲嫲有「其他收入來源」，就是指她有上海政府發的養老金。第二，麻麻有一個在外留學的孫女兒，證明她的家庭有條件供養她。 不過事實上安琪兒的麻麻移居香港已達十四年，相關的養老金早就停止。第二，有一個在外留學的孫女，就代表該長者的家庭家財萬貫？況且如果社署查得通透一點，就知道這位長者在港根本沒有其他親人，無人無物，正是此種。 究竟老人津貼在政府的眼中是甚麼呢？原則上發放津貼是向長者表示敬意。然而政府和坊間則視之為由上而下的救濟。所以政府就用了一個凡事都要「入息審查」，寧嚴勿寬的思維去處理，否則就會「浪費公帑」。 事實上我們活在一個李嘉誠都會獲發六千元的世界，而政府亦總是向外界表示政府已對社會福利投放許多資源‥‥‥然而社會福利的運作卻是千蒼百孔。有人可以拿綜援去旅行，卻有老人家的福利臨老被無理剝奪。安琪兒的嫲嫲已經八十歲了，這令遠在美國的她必須盡快回港處理——儘管她此刻仍不知道實際該如何做。 
你還未病入膏肓，所以無需資助 我自己的切身經歷是在藥物方面的。政府投放於精神科的經費是極少的。所以你一旦患病，不是去看極為昂貴的私人診所，就是到公立醫院排隊。不過公立醫院收症排期的時間，是足夠讓你發瘋自殺，然後入土為安。所以你只有兩條路去尋求專業和廉價的精神科醫療服務。第一：發瘋、或是意圖自殺，被人抓進青山或是小欖。第二：死撐，然後去看私家醫生拿轉介信，希望能夠盡快轉到公立醫院看症。但是無論怎樣做，在你病發的初期，你總還是需要私人診所的。 私人診所的服務很好，醫生會仔細聽你講自己的情況，為你量身配藥，然而收費卻不是一般人可以負擔。以我的經驗，看一次診連藥費，要二千元才能下樓。如果你窮一點，又患了情緒病，那你就只好等死。不是每個人都有張國榮和林夕的財力去買較新的、副作用較少的藥。香港政府對精神病人的支援可謂是極少，而民間亦對此極為冷淡。因為傷風感冒尚且是看得見的疾病，會使人同情。可是作為一個精神病人，人家卻看不見他精神世界的痛苦。 當我將這個情況告訴加拿大的朋友時，對方很驚訝，因為他們在城市的醫院看精神科，費用幾乎是政府全數資助的。 即使「有幸」擠進了公立醫院，也不是進了天堂，那只是另一個地獄。沒錯，看診領藥的費用是少得多。然而，公立醫院的醫生開藥，是受限於「醫管局藥物名冊」，有許多較昂貴的藥都沒有資助，要你支付全數。我近年都只能吃一種較為舊款的抗鬱藥。而每次的會診當然是水過鴨背，談不上甚麼話——因為病人太多，而醫生太少。甚至，為了一排小小的安眠藥，也要把自己說得要生要死，才能哀得醫生「施捨」我。 家景尚好，尚且如此踉蹌，所以香港每過一陣子就有人發瘋斬人，又何奇之有。一般人手停口停，連吃好一點也要左計右算。就算患病，又哪有閑錢閑時去看醫生？於是久病成瘋，不是離奇自殺，就是病入膏肓，傷及無辜。 還是仆街到底比較好 在香港，還是仆街到底比較好，你要呼天搶地，爛身爛世，才會有人同情你。期望香港的技術官僚會有丁點人文關懷，多少惻隱之心，真如蔭權所言般，是「要求過高」。官僚關心的是程序，而不是活生生的貧苦大眾。你說你很慘嗎？他會覺得你還未夠仆街，不能浪費公帑去幫你。但這條界線是誰定的呢？還不是那些生活富足，脫離現實——像唐唐那樣——的高官所畫的。這個表面冠冕堂皇的福利系統，其虛偽和吊詭在於它設下的那些審查、規則，不是為了幫人，而是為了阻人受惠。這個系統的存在無異於向大部份人大喊「你死你賤，干爺何事」，但別個臉的時候又宣稱自己在服務廣大市民。 長期病患者、老人、窮人、新移民、單親家庭之類，要受盡歧視，在行政關卡裡過關斬將，才有機會在水浸的庫房拿到一些餅碎。手握億萬盈餘的政府對弱勢群體的關懷，不會比唐唐對唐太的忠誠要多。 |
| 俄罗斯对中国的贡献 Posted: 03 Mar 2012 06:13 AM PST 俄罗斯历史上对中国三大贡献：一是侵占一百五十万平方领土，二是输出十月革命和斯大林主义，三是策划了外蒙独立。一件没做成的是1969年计划对中国进行核打击，因为美国及时阻止而未果。而美国抗日全力援助，未侵中国寸土，但中国却敌友不分，始终与美为敌，与苏俄为友。 与俄罗斯为友的好处，据说是为了联俄抗美，中国领导人在下一盘很大的棋。但俄罗斯却从不把中国放在眼里，时刻给中国的爱国者们眼里揉沙子。比如近日，俄罗斯军火商巨头伊赛金表示，近年内不会向应要求中国出口S-400"凯旋"型防空导弹。如果俄国导弹供不应求，必须优先供应俄军；对"独联体内的集体安全组织"盟国白俄罗斯和哈萨克也只会在2014年后才能供应S-4 ……
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| 请罢免申纪兰、倪萍的代表、委员资格 Posted: 03 Mar 2012 05:32 AM PST 申纪兰，从未投过反对票的人大代表 申纪兰自1954年当选第一届全国人大代表至今，已连续参加十一届全国两会。今年，82岁的申纪兰又代表人民来北京参加两会。 对于去年两会，她"从未投过反对票"的话语，申纪兰的解释，她是一个平平凡凡的农民，能当一届人大代表就了不得了，没想到连续当了十一届。作为人民代表大会的见证人，内心拥护的事，她就赞成，不拥护的，她就不投票。 从1954年开始往下，大的历史事件有大跃进、反右、打倒彭德怀、文化大革命、打倒刘少奇、林彪出逃、反击右倾翻案风、华国锋上台下台、胡、赵两届总书记上台下台，从未投过反对票的申纪兰在许多已被历史证明充满罪孽的事件里，她赞成和拥护，成了最忠实的帮凶。 我们可以不要求甚至原谅一个农民的墙头草、不倒翁行为，可是，对于一个不论是非、对错、善恶、真假、美丑，即使罪恶领衔都举手赞成和拥护的人大代表，如果我们继续容忍，就是对自己的不负责任甚至容忍罪恶。 申纪兰需要忏悔，而不是解释。 倪萍，一个要当哑巴的政协委员 曾经因为"我热爱这个国家"，"在大的会议上举手表决时我从来没有反对过或弃权过"的政协委员倪萍，在这届政协会议其间接受记者采访，更毫不畏惧地说出真话："我今年就是要当哑巴。" 政协也好，人大也好，召集委员、代表们开会就是要让他们说话的。一个要去当哑巴的政协委员，简直是站着茅坑不拉屎，这样的委员，应该自动退席。 小远2012年3月3日21:23雨 上海理道之理道文化兔，我只是一只有文化的兔子 |
| Rogoff reflects on Jeremy Lin Posted: 03 Mar 2012 04:05 AM PST Ken writes: What amazes me is the public's blasé acceptance of the salaries of sports stars, compared to its low regard for superstars in business and finance. Half of all NBA players' annual salaries exceed $2 million, more than five times the threshold for the top 1% of household incomes in the United States. Because long-time superstars like Kobe Bryant earn upwards of $25 million a year, the average annual NBA salary is more than $5 million. Indeed, Lin's salary, at $800,000, is the NBA's "minimum wage" for a second-season player. Presumably, Lin will soon be earning much more, and fans will applaud.
Yet many of these same fans would almost surely argue that CEOs of Fortune 500 companies, whose median compensation is around $10 million, are ridiculously overpaid. If a star basketball player reacts a split-second faster than his competitors, no one has a problem with his earning more for every game than five factory workers do in a year. But if, say, a financial trader or a corporate executive is paid a fortune for being a shade faster than competitors, the public suspects that he or she is undeserving or, worse, a thief.
In case you are curious: Yes, Jeremy Lin did take ec 10. |
| KeyRemap4MacBook – 轻松修改按键映射[Mac] Posted: 02 Mar 2012 11:37 PM PST 由于 Feedsky 抽风，看到 @fisio 一篇旧文：Mac OS X 改键指南 | 老肥博客 » 非唠不可，文中介绍了一个强大的改键利器 KeyRemap4MacBook。下载试用之后感动到内牛满面，推荐给整天穿梭在 Windows 和 Mac 系统的童鞋。@appinn ![KeyRemap4MacBook 轻松修改按键映射[Mac][图] | 小众软件](http://img1.appinn.com/2012/02/skitched-20120226-221126.jpg "KeyRemap4MacBook 轻松修改按键映射[Mac][图] | 小众软件")
然后，我设置了以下的按键映射： - Fn + 左键：模拟按下鼠标中键
- 反斜杠 \ 改为向右删除。因为紧凑键盘的向右删除是 fn+delete, 而反斜杠在 Mac 上又极少用到。
- 左 control + JIKL 相当于方向键，用来移动光标，这个组合键还可以配合 Shift 来进行文字的选取。
- 在 Finder 下，映射 Enter 为 Command + O（打开文件夹或者文件的快捷键），F2 为重命名。一直受不了 Finder 的重命名快捷键为 Enter 这个设定，这个功能让我内牛了。
- 在 Finder 下，Command + N 新建文件夹，Command + Shift + N 为新建 Finder 窗口。也就是说，我交换了这两个快捷键的功能。
- 单击右 Option 切换输入法。具体教程看这里： OS X键盘应用技巧：一键切换输入法
KeyRemap4MacBook 除了自定义按键的映射，它还能全局启用 VIM 模式，只需在 Ubiquitous VIM Bindings 下开启 ESC toggle Normal Mode，此功能在 Firefox 下无效。想自定义按键映射的话，参看官方改键指南 。另外，Windows 下想修改按键映射，当然推荐 hoekey 和 Autohotkey 啦 ![KeyRemap4MacBook 轻松修改按键映射[Mac][图] | 小众软件](http://static-y.appinn.com/wp-content/down.gif "点击右侧的链接下载本软件") ( 1.1MB ) : KeyRemap4MacBook | 官方改键指南 | 小众软件
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| 中国经济危机是被美国人忽悠的吗？ Posted: 03 Mar 2012 02:48 AM PST 中国社会科学院研究员左大培近日在北京林业大学讲座时说，怀疑中国针对经济危机出台的某些救市措施是被美国人忽悠了。左大培在谈到2008年底中国大陆官方救市的举措时说，中国经济过热导致物价上涨，物价上涨导致政府管控货币信贷机构采取紧缩政策。他说："美国的通胀几乎都是看不到的，中国的形势跟美国不一样。美国需要救市是因为它的整个金融系统在那次危机里确实垮掉了。中国的金融基本没有跨，用得到那么大的救市吗，所以我怀疑可能是被美国人忽悠了。" 对于左大培的"可能被美国人忽悠"的结论，国内著名经济学专家茅于轼表示实在不可以理解。"我不知道他怎么分析出这个结论的。首先当然各个国家的这个经济互相有关系，一个国家的措施 ……
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| 台湾: 拒绝含有莱克多巴胺的美国肉品 Posted: 03 Mar 2012 02:16 AM PST 莱克多巴胺是俗称为瘦肉精的动物饲料添加剂的其中一种，在台湾以及超过一百五十个国家列为禁药。去年有一些运往台湾的美国牛肉产品因为被发现含有莱克多巴胺而被遣回。 莱克多巴胺是由美国礼莱药厂的分公司Elanco Animal Health所研发，目前用于猪只牛只以及火鸡，其作用为 增加换肉率以及增加养殖效率 。国际食品规格委员会 (Codex Alimentarius)到目前为止对于莱克多巴胺的所谓最高残余标准还没有共识，这项议题将会在今年七月的国际食品规格委员会中继续讨论。  Taiwanese farmer protests against Ractopamine use in 2007. Photo by Flickr User munch999 (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0) 美国的牛肉出口是近年来与其他国家进行贸易协议时最有争端的议题之一。日本最近也开放美国进口牛肉并且允许规定限度之内的莱克多巴胺残留在美国进口的肉品当中，但是日本依然禁止日本国内的畜牧业使用莱克多巴胺。 类似的情况在美国与台湾进行贸易协定Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA)的会谈时也发生，美国政府一直希望台湾能允许莱克多巴胺的使用。 2006年时台湾政府准备要审议莱克多巴胺的最高残余剂量，然而因为同一年发生在中国的克伦特罗(clenbuterol)中毒事件，在大众的恐慌之下台湾政府将莱克多巴胺列为禁药。2007年台湾政府又尝试将莱克多巴胺从禁药名单中剔除，但是因为当时的在野党国民党与台湾的猪农在同一阵线反对，因此莱克多巴胺继续列为禁药。 美国在台商会(American Chamber of Commerce in Taipei)的Don Shapiro 撰文指出国民党在美国的压力下终于在2012年总统大选胜选之后再度尝试将莱克多巴胺从禁药名单剔除。 The U.S. government by early 2011 was willing to start preparations to resume TIFA talks. Then another obstacle arose when Taiwan rejected some shipments of beef found to contain traces of the leanness-enhancing feed additive ractopamine…Whenever questions were raised last year about finding a solution to the impasse, Taiwan officials responded that nothing could be done before this January's elections, for fear of sparking protests from consumer and farming groups that could escalate into a campaign issue.
在2011年年初美国政府就想重新开启贸易协定(TIFA)的协商，但是突生变数，因为美国运往台湾的牛肉被发现含有莱克多巴胺而被遣回…虽然这些问题可以被解决，台湾的官员指出在2012年的大选之前什么也不能动作，因为若是激起消费者和畜牧业者的恐惧，执政党在竞选连任时可能会遭遇阻碍。 为了因应政府的行动，超过二十个民间团体成立反美牛联盟进行抗争。反美牛联盟反对莱克多巴胺的理由之一是担忧其对人体健康以及食物安全的影响，虽然有许多研究显示人类每天可以摄取60毫克的莱克多巴胺而不会对身体造成伤害，台湾的毒理学家林杰梁医师指出目前的摄取量的标准是以健康成人来看，因为目前以人为受试者的研究还不完整，对有心血管疾病的人来说，也许每日最高摄取量不可超过6mg。 公民媒体上下游的记者 Cliteir Chen 指出政府不应该为了外交考量而牺牲人民的健康： 许多人质疑，瘦肉精开放与否，从来就不是"能不能添加"、"要不要进口"那么单纯的问题，而是被外交、贸易政策绑在一起的复杂问题。但对全民来说，这仅仅就是最单纯的食品安全议题，当我们强调饮食回覆天然、少吃添加物之际，为何不是维持十多年来"零瘦肉精的"坚持？
即使莱克多巴胺"没那么毒"，但不要忘记国人有不吃有毒肉品的权益，这也应是政府的义务。
另一方面, 因为美国食品及药品管理局反省现代人的饮食习惯： 当大家激烈讨论"瘦肉精到底有没有毒"、"瘦肉精安全用量"之际，大家有没有想过，我们难道不该回到源头问：为什么饲养动物需要使用瘦肉精？为什么人们对肥肉避之唯恐不及？难道肥肉对健康的危害高过莱克多巴胺？过去我们认为肥肉一无是处、是健康危害的想法真正的正确吗？
一个简单的逻辑：吃好的食材，是健康饮食的第一步。蔬果如此，肉品也如此。而什么是好食材？毫无疑问，天然不添加是构成好食材的第一要件。因此，自然养殖、不使用瘦肉精，呈现天然肥瘦比的肉品，无疑是最佳的脂肪与蛋白质来源。
本文译者为作者本人 作者 I-fan Lin · 译者 GV 中文化小组 · 阅读原文 [en] · 则留言 (0)
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| 黄细花代表：关于尽快废除计划生育的建议(zt) Posted: 03 Mar 2012 05:06 PM PST 杨支柱按：放开二胎仍然保留了计生毒瘤，并且中国的人口年龄结构仍将继续恶化。黄细花代表第一次在全国人民代表大会上提出废除独生子女奖励政策、准生证制度和社会抚养费制度，具有重大的历史意义。如果这一建议如果逐步获得多数代表认可并被全国人大接受，中国大陆人的生育权保障就可以恢复到帝制时代的水平了。 黄细花 一、案由 自上世纪八十年代开始，我国实行有史以来世上最严厉的计划生育政策，有效地遏制人口增长过快的问题，但同时产生了一系列问题，有些问题已成为已严重影响到社会和谐与发展，如果不及早调整计划生育政策，等到问题越来越多的时候再采取措施，恐怕代价会很大。 考虑到人口增减对于经济社会发展的影响有二三十年的滞后期，我国很有必要着眼未来，按照科学发展、以人为本以及建设和谐社会的要求，尽快调整和完善我国的人口政策，取消独生子女政策，实行自主生育，为实现我国各项经济社会事业的健康发展，为中华民族的伟大复兴创造优良的人口条件！ 二、案据 （一）现行计划生育政策存在城乡之间、地区之间、民族之间不公平的问题 现行计划生育政策规定：城市地区普遍实行独生子女政策，而农村地区普遍实行"一孩半"政策，即：第一胎为男孩的农村夫妇不得再生育，而第一胎为女孩的农村夫妇允许生育第二胎。"一孩半"政策，也造成了男女严重不平等。它隐含的意义是：女孩不如男孩，这种"心理暗示导向作用"的政策不仅加剧了重男轻女的封建思想，而且导致中国出生性别比的日益严重失衡。2010年全国 第六次人口普查数据显示：出生人口的性别比（以女孩为100的话）是118.06，在国际上，出生人口性别比的正常水平是102-107，显然，中国出生人口的性别比仍然远远高于正常值。从上个世纪八十年代到现在，我国出生人口的性别比一直偏高，现在中国已经成为世界上出生人口性别比失衡最为严重、持续时间最长的国家。 在民族问题上也是不平等，城镇汉族居民一对夫妻可生育一个子女，少数民族居民一对夫妻可生育两个子女。汉族农牧民一对夫妻只可生育两个子女，少数民族农牧民一对夫妻可生育三个子女。一个多元的计划生育政策就把中国公民的生育权花划上了三个等级。我国《宪法》明确规定，公民在法律面前人人平等。然而，现行生育政策却与《宪法》相悖，在人的生育权、养育权等诸多方面人为造成不平等。 （二）现行计划生育政策导致我国生育率低、人口结构严重失衡 在实行了30多年后，现行计划生育特别是独生子女政策确实有效地遏制了人口增长过快的问题。但同时也带来了人口结构严重失衡、高素质的人少生、低素质的人多生但一系列绕不开的问题。2010年第六次人口普查表明：我国的人口结构已出现年龄结构失衡、性别结构失衡、劳动人口比重减少，意味着我国已步入老龄化、少子化行列，我国持续多年的所谓"人口红利"将很快消失，"用工荒"等问题日趋严重。 再加上由于生活成本和生育成本的不断提高，以及城市流动人口的不断增多，城市人群以及进城务工人员的生育意愿已降到了历史新低，受工作压力和环境、食品污染的影响，中国的不育不孕率越来越高，加上"一胎"和"一孩半"政策的强制执行，中国人口发展已持续多年处于一个低生育水平，而且已形成了一个强大的惯性，短期内无法逆转。 （三）现行计划生育政策带来了诸多社会问题 独生子女凸显许多不容忽视的社会问题。目前我国有1亿多独生子女家庭，均要面对诸如家庭风险高、独生子女难教养、心理健康等问题，这必将使我们的社会面临巨大挑战，甚至影响到国防建设与安全。由于独生子女家庭的唯一性，面临很多不可预见的风险。据统计，我国每1000个出生婴儿中约有5.4%的人在25岁之前死亡， 15岁以下儿童每年死亡有40万～50万人，还有大量因伤致残儿童。一旦出现风险，很多家庭就会变得"不堪一击"，如果中老年夫妇家庭失去独生子女或子女伤残，打击更是毁灭性的，家庭失去盼头，老无所依。 社会抚养费的强征加剧了社会矛盾。我国现行计划生育政策带有强制性，特别是强制性征收巨额的社会抚养费、不仅侵害了公民的生育权，而且严重增加了所谓超生家庭的养育孩子的成本，加剧了社会的不公平和贫富差距等社会矛盾，滋生了基层计生干部腐败的土壤，进一步加剧和恶化了新形势下的干群关系。在湖南邵阳出现计生干部为了赚钱，到老百姓家里抢婴儿卖到外国的恶性事件。 这些由现行计划生育政策带来的问题，不仅影响了社会的稳定和人民幸福指数的提高，更重要的是这一政策已完全违背了人口增长的自然规律，长此以往，我国将会失去生机与活力，一个大国如果没有了生机与活力就没有创造力和竞争力，而没有创造力和竞争力就没有国力的可持续发展力，而没有国力的可持续发展力就不可能保证国家的持久繁荣、民族的兴旺发达！ 三、建议 （一）尽快取消独生子女政策，实施自主生育。 （二）取消生育服务证（准生证），公民办理户口等只需要提供医院的出生证明而不是准生证。 （三）取消征收社会抚养费，减轻民众养育孩子的负担。 |
| “屠杀自己人民”的“犯罪政权” Posted: 03 Mar 2012 01:15 AM PST 2012年3月2日，英国首相卡梅伦敦促中国和俄罗斯正视叙利亚人民的痛苦，停止支持叙利亚政府。卡梅伦在欧盟媒体峰会上指责叙利亚当局是"屠杀自己人民"的"犯罪政权"。 上个月，中国和俄罗斯在阿拉伯联盟提出的和平计划中都投了否决票。在布鲁塞尔举行峰会的欧盟领导人表示，他们对叙利亚的暴力局势感到震惊。欧洲领导人警告，那些在叙利亚犯下"残暴罪行"的人将被绳之以法。据BBC报道，卡梅伦说，叙利亚当局应该做出正确选择，否则将会为他们双手所沾满的鲜血负责。他警告叙利亚总统阿萨德的支持者要"觉醒"，不要再支持阿萨德。 卡梅伦的讲话正值国际红十字会准备向霍姆斯市运送食品和医疗物资之际。据联合国高级官员称，自叙利亚政府 ……
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